What Is 12 Point Agreement

Given that the nation is fighting for its life in the swamp of the current triangular conflict, this peace agreement could be the light under the tunnel. This agreement has reduced the current triangular litigation to a two-way competition that should be easier to resolve. Everyone should rejoice, for he is silent on the much-vaunted slogan of ousting the monarchy by a republican state. It seems to have accepted by default the possible existence of a constitutional monarchy. In late 2004 or early 2005, relations between Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai resumed. [18] This is believed to be due to differences of opinion on power-sharing within the party. Bhattarai was dissatisfied with the consolidation of power under Prachanda. At one point, Prachanda Bhattarai was expelled from the party, but was later reinstated. [19] Later, they reconciled at least some of their differences. [20] [21] Monday`s meeting brought together representatives of the Joint Military Committee 5-5 and the current Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Libya, Stephanie Williams. “This roundtable will take place after the signing of a ceasefire agreement by the two delegations on 23 October in Geneva. Participants will begin discussions on the implementation of the ceasefire agreement, including the creation of subcommittees and through a monitoring and verification mechanism,” the UN Mission in Libya (UNSUL) said in a statement on Sunday. The text of the agreement shows the willingness of democrats – both parliamentarians and revolutionaries – to reconsider their respective strategies in order to save the coordination achieved so far.

While it is difficult to predict all the effects of this agreement, conflicting attempts are clearly reflected in the text. The reluctance of moderates to go beyond the constitutional monarchy is reflected in the criticism of the “autocratic monarchy” rather than the monarchy itself. On the other hand, the agreement also speaks of absolute democracy. Only time will determine where this Cartesian union of the spirits of “democracy” will lead. But the major advances are the redistribution of the issue of the “constituent assembly” to the agenda of the “unified” popular movement, with the question of sweeping away the “royalty” of the Nepalese armed forces (but the latter is not clearly exposed) (3). The independent statements of the revolutionary leaders suggest that they are ready to reconsider their attitude towards the “constitutional monarchy” when a constituent assembly is formed. Given that Nepal is a nation of unity in diversity between its different ethnic and religious groups, as well as our plaid exercise of democracy over the past 15 years, it is clear that we must pursue the monarchy as a symbol of unity and stability. Overall, this agreement offers sufficient reasons to move forward to achieve our dear goal of achieving a lasting peace and a functioning democracy. Nevertheless, it appears to contain two controversial elements: UN surveillance of the RNA and Maoist militia during elections and parliamentary elections. Let us remember that the RNA was initially mobilized to contain destructive and terrorist activities.

It is illogical to put the Maoist militia and the RNA on an equal footing, because one is a rebellious cloth day outfit that works to oust a democratic terrorist-style regime and the other an authorized guardian of national security. With regard to the Assembly`s inquiry, which seems to be a meeting place, it is important that this is also acceptable to the king. Given the silent acceptance of the constitutional monarchy, it would be reasonable to expect that the king would also be accessible to the prospects of a constituent assembly that would draw up the new Constitution if constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy were considered fundamental and inalienable.